Things are looking up for Yisrael Beiteinu Chairman Avigdor
Lieberman. In the elections his party raked in an astonishing
11 mandates (falling just a few hundred votes short of a
twelfth mandate) and recent surveys show that if elections
were held today Yisrael Beiteinu would leap up to 17-18
mandates.
Except for Yuri Stern, Yisrael Beiteinu's No. 2 man on the
list, all of the other nine MKs are obscure figures. Their
names may be familiar to Russian-speaking immigrants, but to
the general public they are wholly unknown.
The votes were brought in by one man alone, Avigdor
Lieberman. His growing popularity is what led voters to slip
a Lamed into their ballot envelopes. Without Lieberman
they may not have even made it into the Knesset.
And now he is turning into a realistic contender for the
Prime Minister's Office. Surveys show him winning 18 percent
of the vote or more — much better than Amir Peretz or
Ehud Barak, for example.
Lieberman is not considered a prominent legislator —
like Stern — and did not stand out while serving as
transportation minister or infrastructures minister. Although
he held each of these portfolios for only a year, other
ministers have left a lasting impression in a short period of
time.
So what makes Lieberman so popular among Russian-speaking
immigrants and other Israelis? Lieberman presents himself as
a powerful figure who stands firm. A man who stands behind
his word. In a political milieu where giving up a ministerial
seat is a rarity, he resigned from the government twice.
Because he does not flap in the wind, many more voters view
him with great trepidation — especially since Lieberman
is a die-hard right-winger. The general public prefers a more
pragmatic figure leading the country, someone who knows how
to give in and whose political stance is closer to the
center. Lieberman knows this and recently starting shying
away from the far right.
Yisrael Beiteinu has already climbed its way from four
mandates in 1999 to 11 mandates in 2006 and Lieberman
believes either Yisrael Beiteinu will eventually become the
ruling party or else he will join the ruling party —
i.e. his former party, the Likud — and take it over.
Preconceived Notions
For now, Lieberman has his eyes on the Defense Ministry,
where he would gain experience and allay the public's fears
of him. In a recent interview with Ha'aretz he claimed
that although he too lacks a background in defense he could
do a better job than the current Defense Minister.
"Today there is not much of a difference between managing a
large organization like the defense system and managing a
private business," Lieberman asserted. "When a good manager
is brought in to a business in decline he knows how to pull
it out of the mud. On the other hand, when you bring a poor
manager into a successful business he will ruin it. I know
what I want. I have proven ability in the areas of
management, organization and execution, including at the
strategic level. Everything I wrote four years ago in the
book Ha'emet Sheli about the threat of missiles
against Israel has come true. I also wrote that the belief
that we could rely on the might of the Air Force alone is
mistaken. And all of the warnings I laid forth about the
Iranian danger were right. As such I see no reason why I
should not be appointed defense minister."
Lieberman also has very well-honed political senses. He is an
expert at knowing what the public wants and adopting it. At
present, for instance, he knows the public would be very
pleased to see a government investigating committee set up to
review the war in Lebanon and so of course he supports the
proposal. Tired of frequent elections, the public yearns for
stable leadership. Lieberman would provide a solution in the
form of a presidential-style rule.
In the area of religion and state, Lieberman is also trying
to cast himself as a centrist. "We are secular but respect
religion," he says. Yisrael Beiteinu supports the Covenant of
Matrimony Law conceived by Shinui and yet claims to "respect
religion." Quite a juggling act.
Lieberman recognizes the fact a significant portion of the
public fears him. Some say "anyone but Lieberman" and certain
media figures have come to the conclusion they must watch
over Olmert, not out of a love for Mordechai but a hatred of
Homon. If Olmert has to go, Lieberman and Netanyahu will come
in his stead.
Lieberman sees this dread as a badge of honor, placing him in
fine company among such distinguished figures as Begin and
Sharon, who were also feared and loathed. He holds this
attitude toward him stems from "preconceptions and jealousy.
Also part of the public still does not accept me as an
Israeli in every way because of my Russian origins. My
personality combines several elements that annoy people: I am
not a settler, yet I'm Russian and I'm a friend of
Sharon's."
