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22 Elul 5764 - September 8, 2004 | Mordecai Plaut, director Published Weekly
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NEWS
Instead of Cleaning Out the Stables, Shinui Set Up a Stable of Its Own
by S. Yisraeli

Shinui's image as a result of the Paritzky scandal will never be the same. Even within the party some sought to take advantage of the dismissal to bring up other problems plaguing the party, but they were hushed up in the best Bolshevik tradition. When the Shinui Council convened to approve the Party Secretary's recommendation "to condemn Paritzky's conduct and call on Paritzky to resign from the Knesset and his Shinui Party posts," a stormy debate ensued.

Complaints were voiced on the way ranking party officials treated Yosef Paritzky after the tape-recorded conversations he had with a private investigator became public. "When the affair was blasted open just the tip of the iceberg was exposed, so think about the size of the entire iceberg," said one speaker. "Eighty to ninety percent of internal elections in the party are deals and eliminations," claimed another party member. "Other people in the party committed inappropriate acts too," added a third. One reporter there says these voices were silenced by loud shouts from several of the participants, including Knesset members.

Various commentators predict it will be hard for Shinui to shed its new label. "Paritzky built and destroyed," writes Ha'aretz' Shachar Ilan, who normally supports Shinui's struggles "for the sake of character purification and proper administration," particularly when they are waged against the chareidi sector.

He notes one instance of hypocrisy. "When we have a wound with pus we clean it out with a knife," Shinui Chairman Yosef Lapid declared without reticence. Yet Shinui passed up another opportunity to fire an attack against Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's conduct in the Greek Isle and Cyril Kern Affairs. Eventually many Shinui figures will rise as a result of Paritzky's fall, but what would they gain from Sharon's fall?

Ilan also writes, Shinui figures will find it very difficult to create an impression that a distinction should be made between Paritzky and the war cry against corruption the party sounded at his behest. "Shinui rushed to lament how Paritzky sabotaged the party's image as a combatant against corruption. In practice, during the previous term Shinui had only one person in the party who fought against corruption and improprieties in a consistent and resolute manner and built this image. This was Yosef Paritzky. Paritzky built an image. Paritzky destroyed it . . . And it is impossible to overlook the great enthusiasm with which Shinui Party members descended on Paritzky's political carcass while the blood was still warm."

Ha'aretz also ran an article under the headline, "Instead of Cleaning Out the Stables, Shinui Set Up a Stable of its Own." During the course of the article the writer reveals another interesting element: Why was the Non- Government Organizations (NGO) Registrar fired? Did his decision to investigate impropriety in an NGO associated with Shinui and Poraz cost him his job?

The article asks several questions: What is the connection between the NGO Registrar and the Paritzky Affair? Did Interior Minister Avraham Poraz dismiss the NGO registrar, Attorney Amiram Bogat, because he conducted an investigation against two NGOs with which Poraz is associated--the same NGOs that were mentioned in the tape-recorded conversation between Paritzky and investigator Yaakov Eshel that led to Paritzky's downfall? Why was the contract not renewed with the independent NGO Registry accountant who wrote the report against the Liberal Institute, an organization Poraz took an active role in running and which had administrative irregularities?

Poraz' decision to fire Bogat was considered an unusual move. Even Ehud Barak did not fire Bogat during the period when NGO Registry investigators were sent to investigate his brother- in-law, Attorney Doron Cohen, in what was known as the Barak NGOs. But what Barak didn't dare to do, Poraz did unperturbed. Three weeks ago, on the same day Paritzky was publicly fired, another interesting development took place: Attorney Yaron Keidar, the former legal advisor for Meretz who Poraz knew during the period Shinui was allied with Meretz, was selected NGO Registrar.

Ha'aretz reports that Keidar was chosen unanimously by a special selection committee Poraz pushed to set up. Headed by Justice Ministry Director-General Aharon Abramovitz, committee members included Interior Ministry Director-General Gidon Lev-Ari, Joint Distribution Committee Director-General Arnon Mantevar, Professor Shalev and Deputy Civil Service Commissioner Yaakov Berger. A "royal" committee indeed, only the affiliation of the members should not go unmentioned. Abramovitz is the director-general of Yosef Lapid's ministry, Lev-Ari is the director-general of Poraz' ministry and Mantevar is considered one of Poraz' close associates.

For several months, claim NGO Registry employees, it was clear Keidar was the prime candidate for the job. Poraz denied involvement in Keidar's appointment although he admits he knew Keidar, like the other candidates, and "the other candidates were well below his level."

The new appointment was preceded by the dismissal of Amiram Bogat, who was the victim of an attack by political figures, primarily due to the investigation of "NGOs associated with the left," as one ranking Interior Ministry official puts it. Bogat, a Likud appointee, acted inequitably, claim his detractors, applying one set of standards to NGOs associated with the left and another with those associated with the right, citing the investigation of Barak's NGOs as an example.

Ha'aretz, however, pointed to Poraz' interests in the matter. Even now that it is clear Yossi Maiman, owner of Merhav and one of the owners of Arutz 10, initiated and financed the investigations against Paritzky, the affair continues to cause political repercussions, in this case within the realm of internal politics at Shinui.

The Liberal Institute - Research and Education is one of the NGOs Paritzky told Eshel on the tapes that he heard has irregularities, asking him to look carefully into the matter and check what was happening in the organization, telling Eshel about his trips to Germany to raise money for the organization. A look at the NGO Registrar's report on the Liberal Institute leaves one with the impression that the surprise Paritzky expressed in his conversations with Eshel about the corruption were not imaginary, writes Ha'aretz.

The Liberal Institute was founded in 1985 "to promote liberal values in Israel, to encourage and carry out publications on matters of economics, taxation, society and legal affairs." Former minister Yitzchok Berman and current Interior Minister Avraham Poraz were among its founders. The organization, says Director Chanita Ashtai, organizes seminars designed "to enrich the participants in the area of economic thinking." The principal contributor is the Friedrich Nauman Foundation, a fund within the German Liberal Party. But the Liberal Institute's attorney told Orly Osher, the accountant who examined the organization for the NGO Registry, "The Institute operates under [Shinui] party patronage." The Liberal Institute's director, however, wrote Osher a letter denying the claim.

According to the NGO Registry report, the organization has ties to Shinui. Liberal Institute Chairwoman Daliya Zomer and board members, including Moshe Klinger and Moshe Bakar, are Shinui party members. Bakar also serves as a member of the Shinui secretariat. Sharona Sholev, a member of the Liberal Institute's control committee, is also a member of the Shinui Council, whose active members include Poraz and Ilan Shalgi. The report also says, "Some of the organization's meetings were held at the Shinui offices in Tel Aviv."

According to the Political Party Funding Law, activities by external organizations to provide assistance through election propaganda for a party or any form of organizational ties to the party are considered prohibited contributions.

The financial reports the organization submitted to the NGO Registrar contained deficiencies. In contradiction to declarations that the organization does not employ any paid employees, the director of the organization really received over NIS 300,000 ($65,000) during the years 2000-01 as a "self-employed" worker. In violation of Paragraph 33 of the 5740-1980 NGO Law, Ashtai also serves not only as a paid director but also as a member of the board. Ashtai was forced to resign from the board following the report, but she is still an authorized signatory.

The report also shows that from the day the organization was first registered in 1987, for over a decade, its heads failed to meet legal filing requirements until the NGO was submitted for erasure proceedings in 1998. At that point Poraz intervened on the Liberal Institute's behalf. The erasure proceedings were frozen, but still the NGO Registrar was not provided with all of the necessary documents and reports, including the amount of money paid to lecturers at seminars Ashtai reported. At the conclusion of his investigation the Registrar wrote, "The organization has organizational ties to Shinui," and in light of the contents of the seminars the Liberal Institute organizes, the Registrar recommended transferring the report and its findings to the State Comptroller and until then denying it a Proper Administration Certificate.

All of the leads support the theory Poraz fired Bogat because he cracked down on the Liberal Institute, which the Interior Minister of course denies. Poraz claims his rival Paritzky concocted this scheme and that Bogat's dismissal at the end of 2003 had no connection to the Liberal Institute audit. "I received backing from Attorney General Mani Mazuz for Bogat's replacement because he, too, was not satisfied with his performance," said Poraz. "I had good reasons to dismiss him."

Meanwhile, he blames his former colleague for urging the investigation. "Paritzky was the one who initiated the inquiry into the organization. He was the person who went to the NGO Registrar, drew their attention and requested the organization be investigated. Paritzky was out to get me. I have information from the NGO Registrar to prove it. Paritzky also went to Yaakov Eshel and requested that he, too, investigate the matter."

However, Bogat's associates at the Registry say the investigation of the Liberal Institute began four months before the last elections. Bogat was not contacted by Paritzky or any of his assistants and the accuracy--not the source--of the information is important, they say. In fact, they say Mazuz was actually serving as Assistant Attorney General at the time while the post of Attorney General was occupied by Eliakim Rubinstein, who did not support Bogat's dismissal. Civil Service Commissioner Shmuel Hollander wrote an opinion statement forbidding Poraz from firing Bogat but Bogat, realizing he could not continue to work for Poraz, decided not to present it, they say.

Poraz says Meretz members also sit on the Liberal Institute executive board. "Our organization was never purely Shinui," he maintains, "but Meretz and various other organizations as well, and it held seminars all year long." Even after reading Osher's audit report he held "everything's in order at the organization." The State Comptroller, Poraz is convinced, also reached this conclusion "because he did not ask me for any explanation over the course of seven months."

On the subject of the Liberal Institute's improper financial management, Poraz says, "We had a bad bookkeeper who did not prepare the reports on time and she was fired." On the organizational connection between the Liberal Institute and Shinui he says, "While it's true some of the organization's meetings were held in Shinui offices, this was done to save money."

Meanwhile Yehoshua Roth, the State Comptroller's senior assistant, says the Liberal Institute case is still under review. "At a meeting of the Committee for Matters of State Control, on December 16, 2003, the Comptroller announced that if the Party Funding Law applies in some way he would handle the matter of the Liberal Institute since the Comptroller is responsible for enforcing the Party Funding Law. The Comptroller said he would consider the matter only from the angle of the Party Funding Law and this angle is still under examination.

All of the above was taken from the report in Ha'aretz, which is hardly suspected of hostility toward Shinui. Apparently, even on the left end of the political spectrum they have begun to smell the acrid odor wafting from the direction of Shinui and realize it will be hard to ignore it for long.

 

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